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    LAPD Held Down Keenan Anderson, Repeatedly Tased Him — Then Suggested His Death Was His Own Fault / TheIntercept · Tuesday, 17 January - 21:13 · 4 minutes

People mourn Keenan Anderson in Santa Monica, CA on Jan. 14, 2022. A protester takes to the streets demanding justice for Keenan Anderson who died while in LAPD custody on Jan 3, 2023. (Photo by Jacob Lee Green/Sipa USA)(Sipa via AP Images)

People mourn Keenan Anderson in Santa Monica, Calif., on Jan. 14, 2022.

Photo: Jacob Lee Green/Sipa via AP

The Los Angeles Police Department is pushing the narrative that Keenan Anderson — a 31-year-old Black teacher, who LAPD cops held down and repeatedly tased as he begged for his life — is responsible for his own death.

Preliminary toxicology tests, performed on Anderson’s body by the police department itself, found traces of cannabinoids and cocaine metabolite in his system – results that in no way mitigate the extreme violence inflicted on Anderson by the police ahead of his January 3 death.

The drug tests were not released as part of an official autopsy; the Los Angeles County coroner’s office is still investigating Anderson’s death and has not yet ruled on its exact medical cause. Instead, the LAPD conducted its own drug tests and announced the results in an unambiguous effort to denigrate and blame its victim, the third man of color killed by the department in the few short weeks of 2023 alone.

There’s nothing surprising about this sort of police practice. The idea that drug possession or use by Black people creates grounds enough to warrant police violence, even deadly violence, has undergirded half a century of U.S. policing. Cops from the department that murdered George Floyd attempted to blame his death on the fentanyl found present in his system, too, but thankfully without success.

If Anderson’s official autopsy undermines police claims that drugs played a role in his death, it would be a relief, but not a victory. Instead, the very willingness of the LAPD to release its toxicology report speaks to a much broader problem: the certain confidence in the public’s willingness to demonize and blame Black victims. If such racist narratives around drugs weren’t readily available, the police department wouldn’t have bothered releasing the toxicology results at all.

That the LAPD is confidently deploying this public relations tactic nearly three years after Floyd’s death is a grim reflection of how little has changed.

This should come as no surprise, either: The uprisings that followed Floyd’s murder were met with harsh state repression in the streets, aided by disavowals and dismissals across the media and political mainstream. The Democratic lawmakers who knelt ludicrously in kente cloth to signal their anti-racist credentials are the same leaders who have rejected every serious attempt to reckon with the racist violence that defines U.S. policing.

The reality of U.S. policing persists as a continuous, unrepentant, and reform-resistant threat to Black lives.

Calls to defund the police were deemed electorally radioactive, demands to abolish the police derided as delusional, police budgets further swelled, and impunity has continued to reign.

Police killed 1,176 people in 2022 — more killings than in any of the last 10 years. And while racial justice organizers and abolitionists continue to fight, the mass rebellions of 2020 were aggressively drained of political potency by an array of counterinsurgent forces, from mass arrests, media demonization, and, crucially, the complete and cowardly abandonment by liberal politicians on the city , state , and federal levels.

I don’t doubt pollsters’ findings, that voters in 2020 were turned off by the term “defund,” but I’m not interested in relitigating debates around electoral slogans. What matters is that the reality of U.S. policing persists as a continuous, unrepentant, and reform-resistant threat to Black lives.

It should go without saying that the presence of drug traces in Anderson’s blood should in no way shift culpability for his death away from the police. Anderson died following a brutal interaction with police officers he had flagged down to ask for assistance after a traffic collision. Friends and relatives said Anderson was undergoing a mental health crisis — a tragically common circumstance of deaths in police custody.

As released body cam footage showed, Anderson was chased and pinned down in the middle of the street. Two LAPD officers held him down, one with an elbow on his neck, then a knee dug into his back while he was handcuffed, and another cop stood over him with a Taser gun, shooting him with its electric charge — directly in the back — again and again, for a total of over 90 seconds. Anderson was then taken to hospital, where he died around four hours later.

The presence of drugs in Anderson’s system doesn’t even mean that he was high at the time of his interaction with police. Cocaine metabolite can stay in a person’s system for days. More to the point, Anderson certainly didn’t die of a cocaine overdose: These almost exclusively happen while taking the drug, not after hours in a hospital following physical violence and extensive electrocution suffered at the hands of police.

Even as city residents are terrorized, police consume enormous amounts of these communities’ resources. The LAPD received $1.8 billion in city funding last year, 29 times higher than the city’s housing budget, amid a perilous homelessness crisis. Bloated police budgets have not diminished crime but simply expanded the potential for police interactions in which a civilian can be treated as criminal and face violence. Racist police logics maintain a stranglehold over U.S. political norms. Otherwise, it would be — as it should be — beyond doubt that the police are wholly responsible for Keenan Anderson’s death.

The post LAPD Held Down Keenan Anderson, Repeatedly Tased Him — Then Suggested His Death Was His Own Fault appeared first on The Intercept .

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    À Narbonne, la justice accorde la garde d’un enfant à son père mis en examen pour inceste / Mediapart · Tuesday, 17 January - 12:43

Un juge de l’Aude vient d’accorder un droit de visite et d’hébergement au père de L., 8 ans, pourtant mis en examen pour agressions sexuelles sur l’enfant. Cette décision va à l’encontre des recommandations officielles en matière de lutte contre l’inceste. La mère, elle, n’a le droit de voir son fils que sous la surveillance des services sociaux.
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    California Police Are Buying Guns From Dealers With Troubling Records / TheIntercept · Tuesday, 17 January - 11:00 · 6 minutes

Law enforcement agencies across California have spent millions in taxpayer funds purchasing weapons from dealers with a history of failing to comply with federal firearms regulations, according to a new analysis by the nonprofit Brady: United Against Gun Violence .

The analysis reveals that at least 90 California law enforcement agencies have spent more than $20 million buying firearms, ammunition, and other gear from at least six federally licensed firearms dealers with a history of violating firearms laws — including failing to report sales involving multiple weapons, a key indicator for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives in identifying straw purchasers and potential firearms trafficking.

“Using taxpayer money to buy guns from dealers with a history of noncompliance with gun safety laws is counterproductive, to say the least,” said Erica Rice, program manager for Brady’s Combating Crime Guns Initiative .

The review is part of Brady’s ongoing Gun Store Transparency Project , a collection of thousands of records from the ATF regarding enforcement actions the agency has taken against licensed gun sellers for serious violations of federal law. The nonprofit reviewed six years of law enforcement purchasing records obtained via public records requests made by the American Friends Service Committee as part of a project tracing the militarization of police agencies in California. Brady then cross-checked those records against ATF inspection reports to reveal that dozens of law enforcement agencies have purchased goods from dealers whose practices may be putting public safety at risk.

LC Action Police Supply in San Jose, for example, a “high-volume dealer” whose clientele is predominately law enforcement agencies, state-certified private security officers, and other firearms dealers, according to the ATF, has been cited for 41 violations of federal firearms laws — the majority repeat infractions — during eight inspections since 1995.

During a 2018 inspection, the most recent report available, the ATF cited LC Action for seven violations, including failing to timely report a sale of multiple weapons and failing to record various background check information. The inspection prompted inspectors to recommend a “warning conference” — the most serious action the agency can take short of revoking a dealer’s license. It was the third time since 2009 that LC Action had faced a warning conference; the dealer’s 2005 inspection resulted in a recommendation that its license be revoked, an action the agency ultimately did not take.

Nonetheless, according to the Brady analysis, California law enforcement agencies spent nearly $19 million at LC Action between 2015 and 2021, with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation spending the most, at more than $14 million.

Kip Miller, co-owner of LC Action, wrote in an email that a number of the violations were actually the result of errors made by the ATF inspector and not due to LC Action’s noncompliance. The company takes its business “seriously and responsibly,” he said. Miller did not respond to requests from The Intercept for documentation reflecting corrections or acknowledgment of error by the ATF.

Brady also reviewed more than $4 million in purchases from Adamson Police Products by 64 law enforcement agencies. Adamson has its own troubling history with the ATF. In 2016, the agency found that the dealer’s Livermore store violated federal requirements regarding the possession and sale of short-barrel rifles, which are subject to stringent regulation. One of those weapons ultimately went missing, according to ATF records. As a result, Adamson’s owner demoted an employee, the records show. In all, the ATF has cited Adamson for 25 violations of firearms laws (at least 11 of them were repeat violations) during six inspections since 2003, according to records obtained by Brady, resulting in two warning conferences.

Adamson Police Products owner Jim Cunningham did not respond to The Intercept’s request for comment.

According to Brady, cities across the U.S. spend more than $5 billion per year on guns alone (ammunition and other supplies account for billions more), with taxpayers footing the bill.

The ATF has recognized that federal firearms licensees are the front line against the diversion of firearms into the illegal market, and there is evidence that dealer business practices can lead to reductions in trafficking and crime. That’s why it’s critical to ensure that dealers comply with gun laws, Brady says, and that government entities purchasing weapons do so only from responsible dealers that adopt model policies like the Gun Dealer Code of Conduct .

California has among the country’s most extensive gun regulations , and yet taxpayer dollars in communities throughout the state — from Orange County to Humboldt County — are still being used to buy firearms from dealers that have racked up serious infractions. The purchasing records reviewed by Brady represent just a fraction of the state’s 531 law enforcement agencies — meaning that many more agencies could be supplied by problematic dealers. And while there were more than 130,000 active federal firearms licensees in 2020, the ATF was able to inspect less than 6,000 of them. In other words, Rice said, what the California data reveals may represent the tip of the iceberg.

“The data we have is a snapshot. It comes from a small percentage of California’s law enforcement agencies and a small percentage of ATF inspection reports,” she said. “California has some of the strongest gun laws in the country. So if taxpayer dollars in California are being spent at gun dealers who have been cited for violating the law, then it is likely happening in other states too.”

It should be a simple ask for government agencies to direct their purchasing power to responsible dealers, said Joshua Scharff, general counsel and director of programs at Brady. “Procurement policies that properly vet dealers and promote responsible firearms sales [are] low-hanging fruit in the fight to prevent gun violence,” he said.

In 2019, New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy issued an executive order directing the state’s Division of Purchase and Property to assess whether the firearms dealers it does business with “adhere to public safety principles relating to firearms.” Last spring, Brady released a report on New Jersey’s efforts, which it said were successful in both “promoting gun safety and laying a strong foundation for future action.”

After the mass shooting at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh in 2018, officials in Toledo, Ohio, including Police Chief George Kral, announced that the city would only buy weapons from dealers deemed responsible; in 2019, the U.S. Conference of Mayors adopted a resolution encouraging member cities to take similar action, though it is unclear how many have done so. Still, limiting purchases to dealers who take their responsibility for reducing gun violence seriously is a viable way forward for state and local governments — and perhaps particularly useful for cities and counties in places like Texas, where statewide leadership is hostile to gun regulation.

Rice said it’s important not to lose sight of how the kind of data contained in Brady’s analysis impacts people and communities. “Law enforcement is tasked with protecting and serving communities, so it is critical the public ensures they are not purchasing from the same dealers who may be contributing to rising rates of shootings and homicides,” she said. “The least we should be willing to accept is responsible stewardship of our tax dollars.”

The post California Police Are Buying Guns From Dealers With Troubling Records appeared first on The Intercept .

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    Oklahoma Executes Scott Eizember, the First of 11 People It Plans to Kill This Year / TheIntercept · Sunday, 15 January - 13:00 · 13 minutes

The wind chill was unforgiving in McAlester, Oklahoma, when word arrived outside the state penitentiary that Scott Eizember was dead. The announcement came on the morning of January 12, his official time of death 10:15 a.m. By 10:25, cars were exiting the prison parking lot, rolling by police vehicles and the activists who stood vigil in the bitter cold. Inside, local news reporters heard from the family of Eizember’s victims, A.J. and Patsy Cantrell.

“It’s not a good day for everybody, but it was a good day for victims,” said the Cantrells’ 47-year-old grandson, Justin Wyatt. He did not know whether the execution had brought justice or closure. “I do know that I’m glad that our enemy is dead.” Debra Wyatt, his mother, rejected the notion of closure. “I don’t like people to use that word to me. Because the only way that we would ever have closure is if they came back to us — and we know that’s not gonna happen on this earth.” The Cantrells’ nephew Johnny Melton urged society to address the factors that lead to fatal violence, like mental health problems and domestic abuse. He said he prayed for Eizember’s family. “It is our understanding that he has adult children … and we recognize that they are victims today too.”

Families of the people Oklahoma puts to death are not given a platform to speak. While a victim services representative accompanied the Cantrells’ loved ones, 25-year-old Emily Eizember sat in the car with her father’s attorneys. The three witnessed the execution together. From the gurney, Eizember had mouthed “I love you” to his daughter. Afterward, they drove past the protesters to a budget hotel, where Eizember’s 29-year-old son, Allen, was waiting to give his younger sister a hug. He’d wanted to attend the execution but missed the deadline to get on the witness list. Officials would not let him come inside the prison to say goodbye.

Eizember, who turned 62 just before his execution, was mostly estranged from his children in the nearly 18 years he lived on death row. But in December, Emily had traveled to McAlester to visit her father for the first and last time. She decided to attend the execution “to ensure that my dad’s last breaths were taken in peace,” as she wrote in a text message on her way home. She decried the death penalty as inhumane. “I had that opinion before watching my father’s execution this morning,” but it was even clearer to her now. People who commit such crimes should be in prison, “not strapped to a table at the mercy of another man.” Still, she wrote, “it was nice to see my dad one last time, for he is loved and many on death row are!!!”

For many relatives of the condemned, seeing a loved one before their execution can be prohibitively expensive. Emily’s December visit had been coordinated by Death Penalty Action , which supports death row families, as well as Eizember’s spiritual adviser, Rev. Dr. Jeff Hood. Eizember had made clear to Hood that reconciling with his children could bring him measure of solace that would otherwise remain out of reach. He carried a lot of rage, which he sometimes wielded against his own advocates and loved ones. Yet Eizember was also an important part of the death row community, according to Sue Hosch, the Oklahoma coordinator for Death Penalty Action. “When new people come in, he is one of the ones who helps get them kind of settled,” she said.

“I believe that everybody that saw that execution is gonna be traumatized.”

The days preceding the execution might have been a time when Hood could focus on helping Eizember shed some of his anger and prepare to die. Instead, he’d been embroiled in a lawsuit to force the Oklahoma Department of Corrections to allow him to carry out his duty as Eizember’s clergy of record. Under the state’s execution protocol, spiritual advisers are allowed to stand inside the execution chamber to accompany the condemned. But in early January, the department had tried to bar Hood from the space on the grounds that he was a security threat. On the eve of the execution, the department backed down. But the victory was bittersweet. “I feel good about it,” Hood told me. “But then I’m like, ‘OK, great. You get to watch someone die.’”

Around 10:35 a.m., Hood approached a small wooden podium outside the prison. In a long black robe and round tortoiseshell glasses, he was smiling but subdued, his easy Georgia drawl more muted than usual. Media witnesses described him as shaking inside the execution chamber, but now he was composed, searching for words to describe what he had seen. He kept coming back to “bizarre.” It was bizarre to watch somebody go from a “perfectly healthy human being to a dead human being” in a matter of minutes. He’d watched as Eizember’s face turned purple, as his breath became labored, as he appeared to gurgle, an image he wanted to push out of his mind.

“I believe that everybody that saw that execution is gonna be traumatized,” Hood said. “It’s pointless. Scott was not a threat to anybody.” The execution left him grappling with a feeling of complicity. “There was all of this fight to get me in there,” he said. Now he was questioning whether he had become part of the system he wished to dismantle.


Rev. Jeff Hood speaks to a gathering of protesters on Jan. 12, 2023, in McAlester, Okla.

Photo: Liliana Segura/ The Intercept

The Serial Killer State

Eizember was the first of 11 people scheduled to be executed in Oklahoma this year. The state’s execution spree began in 2021, when officials broke a six-year moratorium that had followed a string of botched executions and the near-killing of Richard Glossip using the wrong drug in 2015. For the next several years, officials at the department of corrections and state attorney general’s office set about to improve the state’s execution protocol.

Yet Oklahoma restarted executions with few reforms in place — even as a federal lawsuit challenging the revised lethal injection protocol was set to go to trial. When the first execution, in October 2021, went awry , officials were undeterred, carrying out three more before the trial began last February. The court upheld the state’s protocol in June, sparking an onslaught of execution dates. As it stands, Oklahoma plans to kill 20 more people by the end of 2024.

Oklahoma plans to kill 20 more people by the end of 2024.

To Eizember’s longtime attorney Randall Coyne, the scheduled executions are a dark period in a state that has never made it easy to practice capital defense. Oklahoma is now “the serial killer state,” he said wryly. “Come for the executions, stay for the casinos.” In addition to Eizember, Coyne represents two other men slated to die.

The 2003 crimes that sent Eizember to death row were notorious in Oklahoma. The Cantrells, both in their 70s, were killed in their home in the small town of Depew, some 40 miles southwest of Tulsa, where Eizember had just gotten out of jail. He broke into the home because the couple lived across the street from the parents of his ex-girlfriend, Kathy Biggs, who had taken out a protective order against him. He planned to confront her. Although he was convicted for killing both of the Cantrells, Eizember always insisted that he and A.J. Cantrell struggled over a shotgun that he’d found in the house — and that in attempting to shoot Eizember, Cantrell accidentally killed his wife instead. Eizember then overpowered Cantrell, beating him to death.

According to Eizember’s clemency petition , the evidence supported his version of events and should have been critical to showing that he was not guilty of premeditated murder. Coyne emphasized that Eizember was unarmed when he arrived at the home. “Comparing Scott Eizember to the worst of the worst for whom the death penalty is supposedly reserved is not even a close case,” he said. But Eizember became despised as much for the couple’s violent deaths as for the out-of-control rampage that followed. He shot and wounded Biggs’s teenage son, beat her mother, and after running from the law for more than a month, terrorized a couple who offered him a ride, forcing them to drive at gunpoint and leaving them on the side of the road.

For his own part, Eizember maintained that he belonged in prison but that executing him would be nothing more than vengeance. In a series of phone calls with Hood, which he allowed him to release as a podcast, Eizember shared his life story, including his earliest memories. In Eizember’s appeal for clemency, his lawyers wrote that he had been profoundly impacted by childhood trauma, starting with his mother’s suicide (“I still have questions about that,” he told Hood; he suspected that she had actually been murdered) and continuing with emotional and physical abuse by his father, whom he would later discover was actually his stepdad.

Coyne’s contribution to the clemency petition was deeply personal. Although his upbringing was “substantially less dysfunctional” than his client’s, Coyne wrote, “Scott and I both were raised by alcoholic parents. We exchanged personal accounts of seeking the love and approval of parents whose addictions to alcohol rendered them at best remote and insensate, and at worst cruel and physically abusive.” Like Eizember, Coyne had developed a drinking problem and “wreaked havoc on my family.” While the toll of Eizember’s upbringing was obvious, “our friendship made me wonder what price I had paid,” Coyne wrote. “I still search for the answer, but with an acute awareness that but for the grace of God I could be confined to the cell adjacent to his.”


A.J. and Patsy Cantrell.

Photo: Oklahoma Attorney General’s Office

A Win and a Loss

Among the death penalty’s many hidden traumas is the rush of litigation that immediately precedes an execution. Although it can lead a court to spare a person’s life, last-minute stays are often granted only to be lifted shortly thereafter, yanking the condemned and their families through a cycle of terror, hope, and despair. On several occasions, people have laid on the gurney for hours while litigation is resolved, a particular kind of torture that scares people on death row almost as much as a botched execution.

With no remaining legal claims before state or federal courts, Eizember had appeared poised to avoid such chaos. But a week before his execution, a prison chaplain informed him that his request for Hood to accompany him inside the chamber had been denied on security grounds. Hood was on the phone with Eizember at the time and overheard the whole thing. “He said, ‘Are you fucking kidding me?’” Hood recalled. Agitated, Hood called veteran capital defense attorney Gregory Gardner.

Gardner has litigated religious liberty claims on behalf of other people on death row. To him, it seemed immediately clear that Oklahoma was violating both Hood’s and Eizember’s constitutional rights. The state had altered its execution guidelines after the U.S. Supreme Court sided with a condemned man in Alabama who requested the company of his spiritual adviser in the execution chamber in 2021. The next year, in Ramirez v. Collier, the justices ruled 8-1 that a spiritual adviser should be allowed to “lay hands” on a person being executed.

Gardner spoke to Coyne, who found the whole thing absurd. Hood had been visiting Eizember for months. “And suddenly, he becomes a dangerous security risk inside an execution chamber that’s filled with guards,” Coyne said. The real problem was that Hood was a vocal anti-death penalty activist. “Our concern was that they were they were banning him because of First Amendment stuff that he had done outside the prison,” Gardner said.

At 5 feet, 7 inches tall, Hood is not what most people would consider menacing. The self-described pacifist and radical preacher had been arrested a handful of times for acts of civil disobedience. One arrest, in 2016, was for stepping forward with his hands up to breach the yellow caution tape that keeps protesters in Texas at a distance from the execution chamber. But Hood said he was loath to get arrested these days — let alone for disrupting an execution, which would involve serious criminal charges and be harmful to his wife and five kids.

Gardner filed a lawsui t against the Oklahoma Department of Corrections, accusing prison officials of violating the First Amendment and the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act. In response, department spokesperson Josh Ward accused Hood of disrespecting Eizember’s victims and the solemnity of the execution. “Out of respect for the families of victims, ODOC will not allow the outbursts of activists to interfere, regardless of that activist’s declared role in the process.”

Yet the department had not bothered to check with the Cantrells’ loved ones before invoking them. The family was unaware of the controversy until they were contacted by a reporter. “I don’t think we would have any heartburn over his spiritual adviser sitting in, but that’s really not our call,” said Melton, the Cantrells’ nephew.

“I think I will forever feel like an accomplice to a murder.”

After a series of negotiations between Gardner and Oklahoma’s solicitor general, the lawsuit was settled. Although the ODOC initially offered Hood access to the chamber if he would agree to post a $100,000 bond, officials soon agreed to a more rational compromise. In a six-page document, Hood vowed to keep his prayers to “a quiet volume” and not to touch Eizember or “disrupt, delay, or impede the execution.” If he violated the agreement, he would be banned from Oklahoma prisons forever.

Legally it was a victory, Gardner said, although he struggled to label it that way. If they had pushed forward with the lawsuit, “maybe we would have gotten an injunction. Maybe he would have lived another year.” But in the end, his clients were satisfied with the outcome. “You’ve got to see it as a win in that sense, but it’s difficult.”

On the day after Eizember was killed, Hood called sounding a little bit more like himself. He had arrived home to Arkansas in time to see his kids and get a good night’s sleep. Now he was driving to Goodwill to buy books, which he liked to do to take his mind off things.

Perhaps the best thing about the lawsuit, aside from reiterating the rights of all those facing execution in Oklahoma, was that it had shifted the narrative about Eizember. Twenty years of news stories repeating the details of his crimes had given way to articles about his desire to be accompanied in his hour of death. “That’s a very human need,” Hood said.

Still, he remained haunted by a sense of complicity. “I think I will forever feel like an accomplice to a murder,” he said. After all, he had stood quietly at Eizember’s feet while he was killed by the state, doing nothing to stop it. “I think I will forever feel like somehow I was a part of the machine.” People told him not to think of it that way, but he could not help it. “And I don’t know that that’s a bad thing. I think we should probably all feel like that.”

The post Oklahoma Executes Scott Eizember, the First of 11 People It Plans to Kill This Year appeared first on The Intercept .

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    Sciences Po Grenoble: dix personnes condamnées pour avoir menacé de mort une enseignante «islamo-gauchiste» / Mediapart · Friday, 13 January - 15:26

Lors de la polémique qui visait Sciences Po Grenoble en mars 2021, certains journalistes, à l’instar de Pascal Praud et Caroline Fourest, avaient accusé à tort une enseignante qui avait ensuite subi une vague de cyberharcèlement. Dix personnes ont été condamnées ce vendredi.
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    Éric Zemmour condamné pour injure raciste contre l’ex-animatrice Hapsatou Sy / Mediapart · Thursday, 12 January - 14:48

Le polémiste d’extrême droite a été condamné ce jeudi pour «injure publique à caractère raciste» après ses propos tenus contre l’ex-chroniqueuse de C8 en septembre 2018.
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    Le chasseur qui a tué Morgan Keane échappe à la prison ferme / Mediapart · Thursday, 12 January - 14:46

Le chasseur qui avait tué le jeune Morgan Keane en 2020 a été condamné par le tribunal correctionnel de Cahors à deux ans de prison avec sursis et une interdiction de chasser à vie. Le tribunal n’a pas suivi les réquisitions du procureur qui avait demandé un emprisonnement de six mois.
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    More Than 150 International Organizations Call on Biden to Close Guantánamo on 21st Anniversary / TheIntercept · Wednesday, 11 January - 17:42 · 2 minutes

On the 21st anniversary of the first orange-jumpsuit clad “unlawful enemy combatants” arriving blindfolded and shackled to the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo Bay, more than 150 international human rights organizations are urging President Joe Biden to finally shutter the prison. The letter , coordinated by the Center for Victims of Torture, or CVT, and the Center for Constitutional Rights, calls for a closure to the current prison, an end to the indefinite military detention of the men living there, and a pledge to never again use the naval base for “unlawful mass detention.”

“It is long past time for both a sea change in the United States’ approach to national and human security, and a meaningful reckoning with the full scope of damage that the post-9/11 approach has caused,” the letter says.

Following a slow trickle of transfers out of the facility under the Biden administration, 35 men remain imprisoned today. Over the last two decades, 779 men and boys passed through the catastrophic prison. Of those who remain there today, 20 are eligible for transfer out of indefinite detention; three are awaiting judgment from six different government agencies, known as the Periodic Review Board; three more have been convicted; and nine are involved in pre-trial hearings in the flawed military commission system. The case against accused 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and his co-conspirators is ongoing and has not yet reached trial.

In the post-9/11 era, torture with impunity at CIA black sites, the failed invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, drone strikes, botched raids across a global battlefield, domestic surveillance of Muslims, and the incalculable loss of civilian life in the Middle East have defined America’s quest for national security. But Guantánamo Bay, and its earlier iteration as a detention facility for Haitian refugees in the ’90s, “is the iconic example of the abandonment of the rule of law,” the letter argues.

“The world knows detainees were tortured, [as well as] the heinous methods, names of those who approved and participated, and that videotapes of torture were deliberately destroyed; yet not a single person has been held accountable,” Yumna Rizvi, policy analyst for CVT, told The Intercept. “The fact that all those complicit remain free, [and that] some even describe what they did without fear of prosecution, is astounding. The U.S. has lost its credibility for human rights, justice, and accountability.”

Renewed pressure and calls for the prison to finally be closed are only the beginning of ending the injustice, argues CAGE’s Mansoor Adayfi . “We need to see compensation, acknowledgement, and an apology for what happened to us,” Adayfi, a former Guantánamo prisoner, told The Intercept. “This is part of closing Guantánamo .”

The post More Than 150 International Organizations Call on Biden to Close Guantánamo on 21st Anniversary appeared first on The Intercept .